Category Archives: Abraham Lincoln

President Andrew Johnson’s Vampire Story

It seems as if every nineteenth-century president now has a vampire connection. The National Constitution Center noted the origin of a vampire story involving President Andrew Johnson in a blog post last summer.

The [1892 Brooklyn Daily Eagle] report says that a convicted murder, a Portuguese sailor named James Brown, was just sent to the national asylum in Washington from a federal prison in Ohio.

“Twenty-five years ago he was charged with being a vampire and living on human blood,” the article said, adding the Brown was seen drinking blood from two men he killed on a whaling vessel. It also claimed President Johnson commuted Brown’s death penalty to life in prison.

The news gets even worse for those of us tired of presidential vampires:

Author Christopher Farnsworth has written three novels for Penguin Group about a fictional vampire pardoned by President Johnson who has served presidents for the past 140 years. The first book in the series has been optioned as a movie by one of the producers of Mr. and Mrs. Smith.

Having seen the first ten minutes of Abraham Lincoln: Vampire Hunter, I can only hope the books and movie suck less.


My Problems with the New Lincoln Movie Trailer

The new Lincoln movie trailer is out. The latter part of it definitely piqued my interest more than the original trailer.

I found the beginning of the trailer a bit off-putting, though, in its claim that Lincoln united all Americans. I know I’m once again probably being too picky, but that claim ignores the southern states that left the Union because they feared a “black Republican” president, the Democratic party in the North who despised Lincoln, and the African-American leaders who found his efforts regarding emancipation too slow.

I also found the use of modern images of the WTC memorial and U.S. troops disembarking a helicopter in what appears to be the Middle East a bit jarring. Americans initially united behind President Bush following the 9/11 terrorist attacks, but that support quickly dissipated. Additionally, neither he nor President Obama had overwhelming support for the military actions in Iraq and Afghanistan.

But they don’t pay me the big bucks to make movies, and I’m still going to see it:


Revisiting Abraham Lincoln: Vampire Hunter

Remember when I said I didn’t really get the Abe Lincoln/vampire mash-up novel and movie? After reading W. Scott Poole’s article in the HuffPo, I’m rethinking my opinion.

Poole makes the following argument:

If you’ve read the novel, you know it’s a dark rendering of America’s secret history, the idea that dark powers have moved through the structures of American culture since the beginning. These evil powers, which in 1860 wanted a nation of their own, see human enslavement as a way to feed their appetites.

In my early discussions with my students, this was actually one aspect of the book that troubled me a bit. Didn’t this equation of vampire conspiracies and slavery serve to undermine the struggle to move slavery to the center of the American narrative, especially in discussions about the meaning of the civil war? Fictionalizing it seemed to deal with a serious subject in a silly way.

My students helped me to see it a little differently. On some level, the elements of the fantastic in the novel point to deep, if hard to bear, truths about America. Grahame-Smith actually ties the great vampire plot to notions of “the Slave Power” in American life, an image employed by the abolitionist movement to describe how southern political influence, even over the Founding Documents, had left the republic twisted by inhuman bondage.

Moreover, its not that horror narratives of various kinds haven’t always been a part of the story of slavery. Slaves in the colonial era created a complex folklore about the southern master class, worrying that slave traders were cannibals. My research uncovered at least one case in Louisiana which newly imported slaves became convinced that the masters were witches and vampires (after watching them drink red wine).

These tales of terror illuminate rather than obscure important truths. Slavery did represent a kind of dark magic in which legal fictions transmogrified the bodies of human beings into property. The institution of slavery did become a kind of cannibalism, swallowing millions from the African continent, digesting them in the rice and cotton fields in the relentless pursuit of wealth that characterized the alleged southern “aristocrats.”

Using Poole’s argument, then, I could write an AJ: Alien Slayer novel that uses aliens as a substitute for the Second Bank of the U.S. This would fit with Jackson’s argument that the Bank was under the control of foreigners (or aliens, using the contemporary term for immigrants).*

If only I had the imagination to pull it off, then Hollywood might be my next stop.

* I’m not being sarcastic–I actually think this idea might work.


Andrew Jackson, Alien Slayer

I didn’t get the allure of Seth Grahame-Smith’s Abraham Lincoln, Vampire Hunter, but it drew enough attention that someone made a movie about it. One good thing about the movie: Benjamin Walker of Bloody Bloody Andrew Jackson makes his big-screen debut.

Given the dearth of film portrayals of Andrew Jackson, I suppose it’s inevitable that “Andrew Jackson, Alien Slayer,” might happen. While I don’t like the idea of mash-ups, this is a pretty cool image. The inspiration credit for the image is here.*

*Edited because I made it sound like I came up with the image. Anyone who knows my artistic ability knows better, but I wanted to clarify.


The Man Who Wanted to Kill Andrew Jackson

Andrew Jackson often elicited strong, violent emotions. During his presidency, one man tried to assault him, and another tried to shoot him. What you may not realize is that John Wilkes Booth’s father, Junius Brutus Booth, threatened to kill President Andrew Jackson three decades before the younger Booth assassinated President Abraham Lincoln on that fateful Good Friday in 1865.

Junius Brutus Booth was a noted American actor during the antebellum period. In 1835, he sent Jackson a threatening letter. If the president refused to pardon two pirates who faced the death penalty, Booth warned him that he would “cut your throat whilst you are sleeping.” Later in the letter, the actor also promised to have Jackson “burnt at the Stake.”

Booth’s alcoholism apparently led to his menacing correspondence. He was known for acting irrationally while in drunken fugues, and that appears to be the case here.

What’s really interesting is that historians considered this letter a fake until Dan Feller and Co. confirmed its authenticity as part of a History Detectives episode.

For more information on this letter, see this article in a Knoxville newspaper and this fascinating Library of Congress blog post about the role conservators played in verifying the letter’s authenticity.


Andrew Jackson: Patriot Slaveholder

Sometimes, there are articles that get lost in the shuffle. They don’t appear in proprietary databases such as JSTOR or America: History and Life, so no one discovers them until years later.

I don’t want this to happen to Aaron Crawford‘s new article in the Journal of East Tennessee History (Vol. 82–2010) on the symbolic use of Andrew Jackson during the secession crisis. Entitled “Patriot Slaveholder: Andrew Jackson and the Winter of Secession,” Crawford’s article examines how both pro- and anti-secession politicians used Jackson to make their arguments in favor of, or in opposition to, secession in the months between Lincoln’s election and the early months of his presidency. It is smartly done, and if you are interested in Jackson, the Civil War, or public memory, then you should read it.*

Crawford’s article also highlights a research area that still needs work: the memory and memorialization of Andrew Jackson. Much has been made of the image of Washington, Jefferson, and Lincoln in U.S. history, but historians have never addressed the image of Jackson, who was a major American and Democratic party symbol for decades. If I recall correctly, Tom Coens at the Jackson Papers was working on something related to Jackson and memory during the Civil War.

*Full disclosure: Crawford is assistant editor at the U.S. Grant Papers, a project directed by my former advisor, John Marszalek, but I would have suggested the article regardless.


Review of Eric Foner, Our Lincoln: New Perspectives on Lincoln and His World

I just finished reading Our Lincoln: New Perspectives on Lincoln and His World, a collection of essays on Abraham Lincoln edited by Eric Foner. I assigned this book to my Civil War students this fall. Since some of the essays deal with Lincoln in the Early Republic period, I’m offering my assessment of those chapters here, setting aside the other chapters that primarily focus on the post-1860 period.

It is easy to forget that Lincoln’s life didn’t start with the Civil War, or the 1860 presidential election, or even the 1858 debates with Stephen A. Douglas. Catherine Clinton’s essay, “Abraham Lincoln: The Family That Made Him, The Family He Made,” would have made a better introduction to the collection than James McPherson’s essay on Lincoln as commander-in-chief. Clinton outlines in brief Lincoln’s family background, examining his relationship with his father and mother, his step-mother, his wife, and other family members. One might be surprised to find out, as I was, that some people think John C. Calhoun was Lincoln’s biological father (p. 316, fn. 6). If you are looking for a short overview of Lincoln’s family to assign to students, then you should consider this essay.

Sean Wilentz’s ”Abraham Lincoln and Jacksonian Democracy” examines Lincoln’s ties to some (though by no means all) of the principles of the party of Andrew Jackson. He underscores the point that, economically, “Lincoln remained an orthodox Old Northwest, Henry Clay Whig all his life” (64). On other issues, however, the Illinois politician was less discriminating. Beginning in 1854, Lincoln embraced Jackson’s forceful response to sectionalism in the 1832-33 nullification crisis. He recognized, Wilentz argues, that whatever his differences with Jackson’s economic policies, Old Hickory had outlined a plan of action that Lincoln could follow to oppose the burgeoning Slave Power that was threatening to destroy the nation.

Taken together, James Oakes’ “Natural Rights, Citizenship Rights, and Black Rights: Another Look at Lincoln and Race” and Eric Foner’s ”Lincoln and Colonization” outline the development of Lincoln’s views on race and the place of African Americans in the United States. Oakes contends that Lincoln “believed that race relations were regulated at three different levels”: natural rights, citizenship rights, and states’ rights (p. 110). In terms of natural rights, Oakes is convinced that Lincoln “favored the equality of blacks and whites” (p. 110). When it came to the rights of citizenship, Lincoln “was cautiously egalitarian during the 1850s and unambiguously so during his presidency” (p. 110). As for states’ rights, according to Oakes, “[v]irtually every concession Lincoln made to racial prejudice concerned this third level” (p. 111). Foner’s essay on colonization argues that Lincoln embraced “the government-promoted settlement of black Americans in Africa or some other location” not as a pragmatic policy once president but as a long-term conviction that colonization was “a middle ground between the radicalism of the abolitionists and the prospect of a United States’ existing permanently half slave and half free” (p. 137, 145).

David Blight’s essay, “The Theft of Lincoln in Scholarship, Politics, and Public Memory,” places Lincoln in the context of modern memory. Many students and members of the general public should find useful his assessment of scholarly critics of Lincoln, such as Thomas DiLorenzo and Lerone Bennett, Jr. One minor criticism of Blight’s essay: His jab at the “inarticulate” former president George W. Bush was unnecessary (p. 270). While the comment may have pleased Democratic-leaning scholars and readers, Blight would have been better served sticking to his critique of the Republican Party’s rhetorical gymnastics to claim itself as the heir to Lincoln’s GOP, which is much more important than whether such a word as “strategery” exists (my example, not his).

In short, this essay collection seems best-suited for undergraduate and graduate students and the general public. It challenges assumptions about Lincoln, which those knowledgeable in the period will find useful, yet it is a text accessible to those who just want to learn something about who Lincoln was.


The National Archives’ Treasure Hunters

As this L.A. Times article notes, you might be shocked at the number and types of documents that have been stolen from the National Archives over the years.

When Paul Brachfeld took over as inspector general of the National Archives, guardian of the country’s most beloved treasures, he discovered the American people were being stolen blind.

The Wright Brothers 1903 Flying Machine patent application? Gone.

A copy of the Dec. 8, 1941 “Day of Infamy” speech autographed by Franklin D. Roosevelt and tied with a purple ribbon? Gone.

Target maps of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, war telegrams written by Abraham Lincoln and a scabbard and belt given to Harry S. Truman? Gone, gone and gone.

Citizens of a democracy must have access to their history, Brachfeld understood. But what kind of country leaves its attic door open, allowing its past to slip away? His solution: Assemble a team of national treasure hunters.

Having researched at the Library of Congress and National Archives II, I’m surprised that anyone could walk away from the reading rooms with one document, much less a cache of documents, that belongs to the American people. The security is extremely tight, and running the risk of getting caught seems foolish. Obviously, some people are willing to gamble with their freedom and find creative ways to walk away with unique and irreplaceable documents. For that temporary high or financial gain, we all suffer the loss of part of our history.


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