Category Archives: Slavery

BrANCH 2012: Rethinking Honour and Community

My panel was scheduled for Saturday afternoon. One of my c0-presenters, Ryan Quintana, is from Franklin and is teaching at Wellsley, so we compared notes about our geographic and family similarities.

I’ll be honest–I find it hard to pay attention during panels on which I am a presenter because I’m thinking about my own presentation. Ryan and Diane’s papers were good, if the questions from the audience were any indication. David Brown asked me a question about why Jackson’s slave ownership was important (or something like that). I fumbled around for an answer that in hindsight wasn’t very good.

If I had been thinking straight, I would have connected Ed Baptist’s Parish Memorial Lecture to Jackson’s pursuit of national security during the 1810s and the concomitant growth in his slave acquisitions. Jackson sought to remove southeastern Indian tribes to protect the frontier; he was also concerned about runaway slaves allying with those Indians to threaten white frontier settlers. The opening of the Southeast encouraged the cotton and land booms of the 1810s, which Jackson took advantage of for his and his friends’ personal gain. While Jackson may not have consciously allowed his slave ownership to influence his actions in the 1810s, it clearly played a role in his pursuit of Manifest Destiny and the benefits that accrued to slave holders.

I stayed in the same room to hear Craig Friend’s and Brian Schoen’s presentations. By that time, the room had grown unbearably hot, and I gave up trying to take notes. Friend’s presentation dealt with the concept of Confederate manhood, while Schoen’s addressed the diplomatic maneuverings that took place during the secession winter of 1860-61. Both were good, and my lack of note-taking was solely due to heat and fatigue.


BrANCH 2012: Peter Parish Memorial Lecture: Second Slavery and the First (U.S.) Republic

Ed Baptist gave the Peter Parish Memorial Lecture on Friday evening. For someone who flew in shortly before his talk, I thought he did a great job.

Baptist opened with a summary of Solomon Northup’s life, ending with the observation that overlapping networks and competing claims saved Northup from murder and that financial networks enslaved him and protected him by giving his body a financial present and future.

That story provided the transition to the focus of Baptist’s lecture: the need for 19th-century historians to reintegrate economic history and slavery. He started by explaining why historians don’t talk about financial history. After providing a historiographical overview, he concluded that beginning in the 1970s, historians took a “nap” that left economic history informed predominantly by literary theory and individual stories that lacked an overarching narrative.

Baptist then turned to describing what a new economic history of slavery might look like, emphasizing that it needed to include behavioral economics couldn’t be reduced to just words and numbers. [My notes on this don't make sense now, but at the time, I knew what the latter part of the last sentence meant.]

The description of his narrative, as described, went something like this:

1st slavery: 1492-1800 witnessed the introduction of the transatlantic slave trade, with an acceleration of scale and profit between 1700 and 1800 (1450-1700: 3 mil. Africans enslaved; 1700-1800: 6 mil.).

2nd slavery (1800-60): Southern slavery made cotton a key commodities product consumed on an industrial scale; indeed, it was the key commodity of the 1st Industrial Revolution. Slave productivity increased 400% between 1800 and 1860, keeping the price of cotton low. The minimum efficiency of slaves’ cotton productivity continually grew during the period, from 50 lbs./day in 1805 to 200 lbs./day by 1850.

From 1804 to 1819, American entrepreneurs and Anglo-Dutch merchant banks built the financial infrastructure for slavery’s growth. The migration of slaves to the cotton frontier allowed the U.S. to gain 50% of global cotton sales and increase cotton-picking efficiency to 100 lbs./day. The Panic of 1819 bubble, which plunged the U.S. into its worst financial depression to date, proceeded from three factors: disappearing regulation; new credit instruments; and American overconfidence.

From 1819-32 [the end date wasn't clear to me], the 2nd Bank of the U.S. provided financial regulation. Global investors became linked to the cotton market, allowing the emergence of new slave trading firms, such as Franklin & Armfield. These new slave trading firms were run by professionals who moved a plurality of slaves to New Orleans and set patterns for slave trading economics. These men chafed against the Bank’s regulation and supported Jackson during the Bank War.*

Between 1832 [see above] and the 1840s, the Bank War produced a credit free-for-all that drove the spread of cotton, land sales, and slavery in Deep South. Baptist tied this surge of new economic activity specifically to a new slave mortgage that commodified slave bodies. Slave owners wanted credit, banks wanted bonds, and the new slave mortgage satisfied both desires. The resulting financial bubble drove cotton prices down and resulted in the Panics of 1837 and 1839.

Between the 1840s and 1860, northern factors gave planters credit, who distributed it to neighbors. Cotton grew in importance as annual production reached 4.5 mil. bales annually by 1860 and helped entrench the institution of slavery in the South economically.

Baptist rushed the last section of his lecture, probably because he was already over time by this point. Personally, I was interested enough that I wish he had taken his time, but I’m not sure everyone agreed with me. I’ll have some more comments on his lecture in a later post.

* I think a study of the Bank veto and other BUS-related votes that analyzed the connection between slave ownership and opposition/support for the Bank would make a great project for someone.


BrANCH 2012: Uses and Abuses of African Americans in the 19th Century

The first BrANCH session I attended was “Exploration, Experiment, and Display: Uses and Abuses of African Americans in the Nineteenth Century.”

(Three caveats: I sat halfway back in a large tiered classroom and had a hard time hearing the two presenters at some points. The Powerpoints were also a bit hard to read due to the color contrast. Finally, reconstructing my notes is sometimes an exercise in futility, so please forgive any mistakes.)

First up was Andrea Livesey’s presentation, “Considering the Evidence for Slave Breeding: Exploitation in the Memory of Ex-Slaves.” Livesey is a Ph.D. candidate at the Univ. of Liverpool. Her dissertation research is an analysis of WPA slave narratives in LA and TX, comparing the original and edited interviews. The WPA narratives were heavily edited to remove controversial subjects, include slave breeding, the focus of her talk today.

Livesey identified several references to slave breeding in the WPA narratives: Forced marriage/sex; slave men used as studs; forced female sex with master or overseer to produce children; temporary relationships of parents; selling/chasing away of bad breeders; rewards for breeding; selective breeding; comparison to livestock; profiting from sale of children; master anger over birth control, incl. abortion (chewing cotton roots was a form of birth control?!?); and a preference for female slaves. 21% of Livesey’s sample (171 interviews) mention breeding.

Livesey assumed pre-study that breeding was more common in rural than urban settings, but her research showed similar rates of mention. One explanation was that urban slave breeding was caused by emphasis on family units with smaller slave holdings.

Two final thoughts: Influence of one interviewer (V. Davis?) in using directed questions to uncover slave breeding, which other interviewers didn’t do; and interviewees’ avg. age at emancipation was 13.

The second presentation was by Emily Trafford, another Liverpool Ph.D. student in the early stages of her research. Her paper was entitled “The Display of African Americans in Traveling Exhibits, World’s Fairs, and Freak Shows.”

She started by providing the context of the exhibition of “freaks” in the 19th-century. She identified two types of characters: the savage African, whose depiction emphasized the uncivilized African vs. the civilized white American; and I missed the second character, but it may have been the minstrel character, which emphasized Africans’ childlike mind and presentation.

Trafford then gave two specific examples. The first was “What Is It?” a P.T. Barnum creation. The man playing the character was William Henry Johnson from NJ, who was developmentally disabled but still exercised some control over his character’s construction and profited from it. The second was Zip the Pinhead, who eventually evolved into a minstrel character. (Note: Zip Coon was a Jacksonian-era minstrel character.) She then discussed other examples, including one from the 1904 St. Louis World Fair, the Old Plantation exhibit. This exhibit depicted African Americans in plantation setting and incorporated minstrelsy. Trafford connected it to the Lost Cause memory of slavery.

The third presenter, Stephen Kenny, did not attend, so the audience asked questions next.

For Trafford: Were there recollections of African American audiences visiting the exhibits? She said it was difficult to gauge. There were “colored” days, so African Americans attended. African Americans also objected to being relegated to Negro buildings or the entertainment district.

For Trafford: Has she looked at newspapers from cities in which the fairs/exhibits met? She hasn’t but plans to.

Catherine Clinton asked a couple of tough historiographical questions. The one I caught was to Livesey and how her research fit with Daina Berry’s and Paul Escott’s. I didn’t hear a clear answer.

For Livesey: Was infanticide part of slave resistance to breeding? She hasn’t found any cases of infanticide.

For Trafford: One audience member noted the relation of “What Is It” to white fairground geeks and suggested that the phenomenon surpassed race; Someone also noted the connection to Zippy the Pinhead comic character in U.S. comics in 1970s-1980s and the 1996 Atlanta Olympics mascot, which was called WhatIzIt (Wow! What a connection!) Trafford responded that “What Is It” originagted in the 1860s in response to Darwinian evolution. P.T. Barnum wanted audiences to determine “What Is It” was instead of giving them information on the nature of his character.

For Trafford: Is the larger argument about bodies’ displays about eugenics? She thinks that the nostalgic view of slavery produced by the Lost Cause was important, as was the evolutionary argument that African Americans could have returned to savage state w/o slavery. (I found this discussion interesting given the sentiments expressed by two Arkansas Republicans.)

For Trafford: Can she determine if organizers intended the deliberate dissemination of racial views via the exhibits? She stated that scientific congresses and fair organization records provided some context for understanding motivation, plus the organizers’ realization that the racist tropes were popular with audiences.

For Trafford: One audience member emphasized paying attention to change over time to provide framework for the exhibit images. This member also observed that there exist positive African American presentations at fairs, indicating their desire to be represented and acknowledged and a larger African American context to fairs than just “freaks.”

Steven Deyle asked Livesey if the WPA narratives indicated where interviewees were living at the time of the interviews, as well as for the slaves referred to in the narratives. He also asked if there are other sources available to complement the narratives. Livesey said that her sample database addresses these questions and that she is looking at book-length slave narratives as well as WPA narratives.

For Livesey: Did slave women use demands to breed to negotiate concessions from their owners? She isn’t looking at that subject b/c of lack of sample references.

For Livesey: Someone asked in what ways African Americans were complicit in their own breeding/exhibitions? I didn’t hear a clear answer.

For Trafford: There were catalogs of circus sideshow canvases, including one called “Hit a Coon,” which was a canvas with the face cut out to be filled by a real African American who would have objects thrown at him/her.


Summer 2012 Research

My summer research agenda for 2012 was a bit different from the last two years I’ve written about here (2010) and here (2011). I sent off the Jackson manuscript to LSU Press right after the semester ended in May, so there wasn’t anything to do in that regard. (I did start working on a skeleton index to pass the time and ease the manuscript’s absence. *sniff*)

My research tasks this summer both centered on slavery. First, I worked on an article on the 1828 presidential election, tentatively entitled “Slavery, Kinship, and Andrew Jackson’s Presidential Campaign of 1828.” The title is self-explanatory, and you can read a much shorter version of the article here. My research entailed spending a lot of time looking at newspapers from 1827 and 1828.

My second project was starting on a paper that I’m presenting at the BrANCH conference in October. The paper is entitled, “The Evolution of the Enslaved Community at Andrew Jackson’s Plantations, 1790s-1840s.” Here’s the proposal I wrote:

Historians have been remiss in examining the enslaved people who labored for Andrew Jackson. Most of the scholarship on the enslaved community has focused on The Hermitage and has been undertaken by archaeologists, who have provided important but untapped context for understanding their experiences.
This paper will examine the evolution of Jackson’s enslaved community, emphasizing the change that its members experienced as Jackson went from a land-speculating man-on-the-make to a traditional southern planter. Early in Jackson’s Tennessee residency, the people whom he enslaved were subject to severe violence. Later, Jackson displayed a more paternalistic manner, which speaks to his awareness of his public image and need to preserve stability among the enslaved population as he faced significant financial debt.
This paper will clarify the historiographical debate between Robert Remini and Matthew Warshauer over why and when Jackson altered his treatment of his slaves. It will also explain how the defiant actions of one of Jackson’s slaves were instrumental in bringing about this change, speaking to John Blassingame’s argument that slaves were transformative agents and not simply victims of the peculiar institution.

With this presentation, I’ll be setting forth my preliminary thoughts about a bigger project I want to undertake: a study of Jackson’s slave communities from an historical perspective. Most of my time on this project was spent updating and expanding a database I have compiled on Jackson’s slaves.

I also wrote two book proposals, which are still in the discussion stage with publishers. These didn’t require archival research, but I spent time refreshing my memory on Jacksonian political history and historiography.


New Book on Jacksonian Race Riot

Jefferson Morley’s new book, Snow-Storm in August: Washington City, Francis Scott Key, and the Forgotten Race Riot of 1835recounts the August 1835 race riot that took place in the nation’s capital. As president, Andrew Jackson played a pivotal role in the fate of John Arthur Bowen, a slave found guilty of attacking his owner, Anna Thornton, wife of the late Capitol architect, William Thornton. This episode has received very little scholarly attention, but I hope Morley is able to raise awareness about its importance.

If I don’t get the opportunity to review it for a journal, I’ll review it here.


BrANCHing Out

I recently learned that my proposal, “‘The Evolution of the Enslaved Community at Andrew Jackson’s Plantations, 1790s-1840s,” was accepted to be part of the 2012 BrANCH (Association of British American Nineteenth Century Historians) conference, which will be held in Newcastle-upon-Tyne this fall. This paper is part of a new project focusing on the slave community at The Hermitage. I envision it going in a couple of different, but complementary, directions, and I’m excited to float some preliminary ideas in front of a lot of smart people.

Hopefully, the project will help avoid claims such as the one that ‎one of Jackson’s house slaves, Alfred, “ran the farm when Jackson was away.” This erroneous statement recently appeared in the Nashville newspaper and builds on the local lore about “Uncle Alfred” and other slaves that The Hermitage is trying hard to correct.


Andrew Jackson’s Profane Parrot

Even though the poster to the left was never actually used in the Smithsonian’s PR campaign, I like it.

Whether it’s true is something else entirely. I told Poll’s story as a docent at The Hermitage years ago and never questioned its validity. This poster made me think twice, so I asked Marsha Mullin, the authority on all things Andrew Jackson at The Hermitage, where the story came from. She directed me to Rev. William Menefee Norment’s recollections, which are in volume 3 of Samuel G. Heiskell’s Andrew Jackson and Early Tennessee History:

Before the sermon and while the crowd was gathering, a wicked parrot that was a household pet, got excited and commenced swearing so loud and long as to disturb the people and had to be carried from the house (54).

It’s a great anecdote, and who am I to question a minister? The story gets even more interesting, though. Norment was one of a group of Cumberland University students who visited Jackson shortly before the former president died. According to one obituary:

Norment is in the front row, 3rd from the left.

There are few, if any, people living to-day who saw Gen. Andrew Jackson in the flesh. Since the death of Judge Nathan Green, of Lebanon, Tenn., a few years ago, Rev. Norment is the only survivor of that little group of students of Cumberland University, that in the spring of 1845 visited “Old Hickory” at his famous country home, the Hermitage, fifteen miles from Nashville. Hear Rev. Norment describe their visit: “Cumberland University is at Lebanon, about fifteen miles from the Hermitage. In the early spring of 1845 six of us Cumberland students decided we wished to meet General Jackson. One Saturday morning we packed our lunches and got in the stage coach, which went near the Hermitage on the way to Nashville. When we arrived, Andrew Jackson Donelson, adopted son of the General, met us and conducted us to the big east room where the General was sitting before the fire. It was a wood fire, and huge logs were burning. The fire-place was about five feet high. Mr. Donelson introduced us to the General as courteously as though we were distinguished guests, and without rising the hero of New Orleans shook hands. At once we saw that the famous man was very feeble. After this introduction, we all sat around the fire. The General puffed occasionally at a short stem silver pipe which he held in his left hand. In his right hand he held a long hickory cane. A Bible lay on the floor beside him. The General was very religious at this time, and when we told him who we were, some of us studying for the ministry, he leaned forward with his chin on his stick and exclaimed: ‘A noble calling, young gentlemen!’ He then advised us to make the most of our opportunities and become upright citizens. To tell the truth, we were rather disappointed because he did not tell us of battles and duels. Could this gentle religious old old gentleman be the man whose ‘By-the-Eternal’ had sounded in the halls of Congress, on the field of battle and dueling ground? Yet we sat looking at the living reality of our boyish dreams, an old man feeble and lonely, who spoke of his wife as ‘that sainted woman,’ and whose grave he daily visited. Up above the mantel-piece hung two long dueling pistols, mute witnesses of days gone by. And I think these pistols occupied most of our attention. We spent more than an hour talking with the General, and when we were ready to leave, he again shook hands and wished us happiness and health” (The Cumberland Presbyterian, 26 February 1920, 9).

The obituary went on to report, “While still at school, word reached Cumberland University that General Jackson was dead. Only six weeks before he had shaken his hand. Rev. Norment says he went to the funeral and that the General’s parrot, excited by the multitude and the wailing of the slaves, let loose perfect gusts of ‘cuss words.’ The Negro slaves of the General were horrified and awed at the bird’s lack of reverence.”

The last quotation is interesting for more than just Poll’s swearing. Norment’s claim that the slaves’ “wailing” set off Poll’s blue streak and that they were “horrified and awed” by the parrot’s “lack of reverence” presents a view of slaves as being more pious than their southern slave owners. That’s an interesting perspective, but it isn’t surprising. White views of African Americans were complicated during and after slavery. Mark Smith‘s How Race Is Made: Slavery, Segregation, and the Senses (2006) offers the simple, yet powerful, argument that southern whites viewed African Americans as dirty and loathsome at the same time that they allowed them in their homes as servants and nannies or, in the case of some white masters and slave women, had sex with them. The same dichotomy holds true for African American morality and religion: Slaves practiced a heathen African religion (not religions), yet they often possessed a spirituality that gave them greater moral insight and wisdom than their white Christian masters. In the case of Jackson’s funeral, the perception is that Old Hickory’s slaves were appalled by Poll’s language, which she presumably learned from Jackson or other whites on the plantation, because they were too moral to have used that language themselves.

Whatever is true about Poll, rest assured that when you visit The Hermitage with children, the Poll that gives the audio tour for the younger age group does not use profanity. At least, that’s what my children tell me.


A Festschrift for John Marszalek

On Tuesday, I had the honor of helping surprise my doctoral advisor, John Marszalek, with news that several of his former graduate students had produced a festschrift. A group of approximately thirty family, friends, former students, and colleagues gathered in Starkville to unveil a new book, entitled Of Times and Race: Essays Inspired by John F. Marszalek. This edited collection of essays includes contributions by seven of John’s former doctoral students, as well as one close friend and colleague, Edna Greene Medford.

Mike Ballard, one of John’s first students and currently professor and coordinator of the Congressional Collection at Mississippi State University Libraries, initiated and spearheaded this project. He solicited the contributions that will appear as chapters and did the vast majority of the interaction with Editor-in-Chief Craig Gill and the University Press of Mississippi. As co-editor, I provided moral support and helped edit the contributions.

The evening at Three Generations in Starkville was filled with fond memories, laughter, and good food. The Cheerful Assassin truly received his due.

L-R: Mark Cheathem, Mike Ballard, John Marszalek, Jeanne Marszalek, Tim Smith, Horace Nash, Tom Cockrell


Post-Civil War Slave Nostalgia

Update: This is a timely post, as my student, Kimberley Davis, reminded me with this letter purportedly written by an emancipated slave to his former owner. 

I am currently looking at post-Civil War interviews and memoirs of African American men and women who were enslaved at The Hermitage. The interviews are rendered in the stereotypical black dialect of the era, and they are (mostly) cloyingly nostalgic and sentimental about life under Andrew Jackson.

To get a handle on why these African American rememberances looked fondly at slavery, I’ve looked at the usual suspects on memory studies and African American/southern stereotypes (David Blight, Fitz Brundage, Catherine Clinton, Micki McElya, and Tara McPherson) and have come up empty on this particular topic. I know that the rememberances were filtered through white interviewers, but I have failed even to find scholarship on their role.

So, dear readers, I need some help. Jog my memory with the article(s) or book(s) that should be staring me in the face. Should I look at scholarship on the WPA narratives to get a grasp on this topic, or is there research specifically on the 1865-1900 era?


The Tennessee Tea Party and Slavery in Textbooks: An Example of Lazy Journalism

As a local Nashville paper pointed out, the HuffPo article on the Tennessee Tea party’s criticism of the discussion of slavery in school textbooks is a year old. I even wrote about it last January.

The idea that textbooks shouldn’t discuss historical reality remains absurd, but I don’t understand why HuffPo and other news outlets only now uncovered this “news.”

UPDATE (1-26-12): Now, HuffPo is writing about two of John Tyler’s grandsons who are still alive. That sounds familiar . . . wonder who wrote about them over a year ago? Get out of my head, HuffPo!

ANOTHER UPDATE (1-27-12): Mental Floss has tweeted a link to a New York Magazine interview with Harrison Ruffin Tyler. By the way, Mental Floss was the source of the HuffPo article.


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